The news of the joint statement issued by the UCPN (Maoist) and CPN-Maoist attracted a lot of attention both at home and abroad. Yes, this is definitely big news, as it can change the way constitution writing and Nepali politics will head forward in the near future. But it also drew lot of interest from doomsday prophets who have made predicting Nepal's fall their business. The statement held mouth-watering prospects for many people who are in the business of 'conflict'. Suddenly, some people are happy that institutions, which have made working in fragile states their business, will return to open up shop here, promoting renting out houses, offices, vehicles, hotel rooms and of course, writing volumes on what will go wrong. And business people are putting on a long face and elaborating on how the country is going to the dogs and there are no prospects for foreign investment. Behind those sullen faces, they are happy that news of potential conflict means a few more years before international players enter into Nepal. Meanwhile, local businesses can continue to make money by selling sub-standard goods and services.
Lopsided priorities
In Nepal, we have always prioritised noise over action. For instance, an activist group that receives $100,000 a year to talk about why projects should not be implemented is preferred over an investor who is willing to put a $100 million into Nepal. We allow anyone to open a shop in Nepal and engage in any sort of business as long as they have the right connections. We get carried away with 'catchwords' and 'phrases' rather than real action on the ground. We are too happy organising walks, runs and events, jostling banners and printing t-shirts instead of thinking of one good event that can put Nepal on the global map, attracting millions of international and domestic tourists.
We are happy to promote more INGOs and NGOs that will provide employment and sustainable income only for a limited period of time rather than businesses and investments that will provide livelihoods for generations. In Western Nepal, streets are lined with NGO boards but in every little town that has fewer of these banners and boards, you notice how livelihood has changed. For the donor community, it is quite easy to tick off the boxes of a project rather than go through the risks of investing in a business. Therefore, the recent change in the trend of bilaterals moving from soft 'report writing' to real promotion of business and investment is welcome. And I hope we see a 'business' approach to it.
Pro-poverty, not pro-poor
A fatalist mindset, coupled by the 'pro-poverty' agenda in contrast to a 'pro-poor' agenda, also makes potential problems a welcome sign to many. A professional photographer who shoots for cover pages of 'pro-poverty' reports once confided that it is becoming more and more difficult to get pictures of children in tattered clothes or faces that depict malnutrition. Development practitioners who have been travelling to the 'field' lament that villages are being connected by road and 'concrete' buildings are coming up. They cannot sell the business of 'poverty' anymore. Prosperity has come as a major obstacle to their work.
It is time that we change our focus from pro-poverty to pro-poor, where we move families and households away from poverty in one generation. To alleviate poverty, we need to create wealth, which can be done by providing incentives to the poor to equip themselves, either with skills to run micro—enterprises to begin with or through jobs. We need to ensure that every child from poor families is educated so that a generation is alleviated from poverty. Similarly, we need to ensure that these children do not die due to diseases and they are healthy enough to go through the education process. If we keep our focus on ensuring health and education to the potential poor, we can tackle poverty.
Democracy must rule
For investments to take precedence over grants and donations, we need to keep the spirit of democracy intact. The Maoists, whom we all dreaded once, are political forces trying to figure out their future in a democratic set up. We are definitely better off than the days of war when an average of four Nepalis died each day, when a person from one corner of Nepal did not feel safe travelling to another and when Nepalis were scared to chat in teashops. We need to continue to push democratic values. We cannot descend to the Bangkok mindset, where people want democracy but their own group to rule.
We need to promote democracy within the political parties too. We cannot have people nominated by the party president electing the party president. We need to nurture women leaders and young leaders and provide them opportunities. We need to step away from grooming gun wielding 'youth' leaders for the future. A system needs to be set up within parties to find an alternative to pseudo-militant workers and student unions for a support base as well as nurturing future leaders.
If we had focused on wealth creation rather our 'pro-poverty' agenda and brought about changes within political parties to strengthen democracy, our reaction to the joint statement would have been different. Furthermore, if the parties had practiced internal democracy then the joint statement would have come with much internal deliberation and could have been drastically different.
2 Experiences of successful democracies have shown that a constitutional framework is the foundation on which basic norms and major institutions of democracy rest. Thus, the design of a constitution and its constitution-making or reform process can play an important role in the formulation of political and governance transition, as has been seen in many emerging democracies like South Africa, Timor-Leste, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Tunisia.
Recent writings from constitutional scholars, including Cheryl Saunders, Tom Ginsberg, Yash Ghai and Michele Brandt, assert that constitution making after conflict is a challenge as well as an opportunity to create a vision for the democratic future of the state and a roadmap on how to get there. Failures in managing conflicts and changes through peaceful means have ended in either a revival of violent conflicts or a continuation of political instability in post-conflict situations. Examples of such revivals are many, as in Cambodia (1997), Haiti (2004), Liberia (2004) and Egypt (2014), and so is the continuity of instability and uncertainty as seen in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and Ukraine. Nepal represents a unique case, where despite the first Constituent Assembly's (CA) inability to produce a constitution and the repeated failures of the political parties to manage political changes, conflict has not been revived.
Will Nepal be able to come up with a successful design? The political and social engineers of our constitution-writing process have not been very inspiring as their discourses do not seem to reflect vision, self-confidence, courage and skills. Senior leaders even appear to be afraid of competent new people. Therefore, hope now rests on the young.
The first attempt
After six previous constitutions failed to institutionalise democracy during the past seven decades, Nepal embarked on drafting its seventh constitution in 2008 through an elected CA of 601 representatives under the second Interim Constitution. The CA had promised to promulgate a federal constitution within two years. As part of the peace and constitution-building process, a Comprehesive Peace Agreement was signed in 2006 between the then rebel Maoists, who led the armed insurgency, and the then coalition government of eight parties headed by the Nepali Congress. Unfortunately, the CA failed to deliver even a draft constitution after four years of extended life.
Interestingly, Nepal's first attempt to create a CA to draft a new constitutional framework under the first Interim Constitution during the early 50s was liquidated by the then king. This time, it was mainly due to gaps in knowledge and skill among the ideologically-divided political parties in the huge Assembly, and their failure to agree on over 200 contentious constitutional issues, especially identity-based federalism and forms of governance. Moreover, the newly emerged political forces and their leaders prioritised power sharing and government formation over constitution writing.
Furthermore, the unwelcome and adamant attitude of the CA leaders kept constitutional experts and practitioners at a distance and prevented them from sharing their knowledge and experiences. Public consultations were not adequately conducted, as is needed in post-conflict constitution-making exercises to ensure local ownership. As a result, the Assembly died an unnatural death on May 27, 2012. Despite the Supreme Court's warning, no attempt was made to look for options to draft the constitution nor were explanations given to the people by anyone, not even by the Assembly authorities and political parties, as to why the CA failed to complete its job. The CA nevertheless emerged as a 'grand forum' of inclusive representation where issues of constitutionalism and national development could be openly debated.
The second round
In order to bring the derailed constitutional and political process back on track, intensive dialogues amongst relevant national and international actors, mainly the head of state and the reluctant political parties, took place, but without tangible results. Then, extraordinary political measures were taken by the country in agreement with the President, the then Chief Justice and the major political parties, through the exceptional constitutional tool of 'removing constitutional difficulties' and 'ordinances' under the Interim Constitution to hold fresh elections to a CA at the earliest. The reconstituted Election Commission, backed by a Chief Justice-led interim electoral government, successfully held elections on November 19, 2013 thereby enabling nearly eighty percent of the people to articulate their voice through ballots. To prevent the country plunging into a new wave of political conflict, the national security apparatus was also peacefully mobilised.
Despite several deficiencies and odd constitutional experiments, Nepal has once again entrusted the task of drafting a new constitution to a new sovereign CA. The Assembly has about 70 percent new faces, especially youth and women. The task of resolving contentious issues, including the creation of a well-designed federation, is not an easy job for such an inclusive House. Managing a small but resourceful nation inhabited by 125 ethnic groups, speaking over 90 languages, under a democratic constitutional framework, certainly demands a sophisticated but simplified governance model. Since the country has suffered enough and now learned lessons, it has to embark with full commitment on a course to offer a 'common national vision', reflected in a new democratic charter that is owned by the people of all segments.
No compromise
The government, political parties and others in and out of the Assembly must play a balanced role to achieve such an important task. Accommodating and managing dissentions through due process is key to success in peace and constitution-building exercises. Early signs of party leaders' utterances and their failure to rise above petty partisan interests in through agreed rules of procedure and fundamental constitutional principles, and in forming a coalition government, are not very encouraging. The political parties and all CA members, however, must not forget that the people, as well as the world community, are closely watching them. They should be very careful in designing and executing every stage of the constitution-building process. The people know that they are sovereign and ballots are their most powerful democratic tool. If any compromise is made against democratic values, rule of law and the achievements made so far, the people will not hesitate to revolt.
We Nepalis have no other option but to work together to create a constitution that can partly be a peace agreement, which allows space for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and victims' rehabilitation process, and partly a national legal framework for federal governance. The legal charter must set up the rules by which the new democracy will institutionally operate, ensuring 'unity in diversity' and offering adequate decision-making opportunities for the people of Nepal towards their prosperity. All depends on how seriously and boldly the new Assembly members, especially youths, come forward by setting aside their petty differences. What is urgently needed now is courage and skill from the leadership and continued vigilance from the people, especially civil society and experts.
Dhungel is a Senior Advocate and Constitutional Lawyer
3 At a time when the political parties are all set to begin the constitution-drafting process and are finalising the Constituent Assembly (CA) rules of procedure, the two Maoist parties—UCPN (Maoist) and CPN-Maoist—are busy in parleys to explore common ground for party unification.
Though deep ideological differences continue to persist, both parties are ready to revise their current positions and embrace unification. They seem to have concluded that only unification can ensure their noticeable presence in the overall political process. Thus, the announcement of a working alliance on March 13 was aimed at showing that the two parties can come together on vital national issues at any time for their mutual benefit.
Furthermore, both parties seem to have reached the conclusion that their ideologies have become obsolete while their organisational structures have been rendered dysfunctional across the country. Additionally, they both regret the party split and agree that it needs to be corrected.
CPN-Maoist confusions
Though it has been almost two years since it split from the UCPN (Maoist), the CPN-Maoist is struggling to chart a clear path and identify its ultimate goal. The CPN-Maoist’s official political line, as of now, is to capture the state through an ‘urban revolt’. But party leaders and cadres no longer see the possibility of this happening. Therefore, they are urging the leadership to formulate a new ideology.
This ideological crisis has generated frustration and dissatisfaction among second-rung leaders and cadres. Moreover, as intra-party disputes are escalating, party veterans Mohan Baidya, Ram Bahadur Thapa and CP Gajurel are failing to provide proper direction. These leaders see party unification as the best alternative to bail them out. But it is not yet clear what young leaders like Netra Bikram Chand, Khadka Bahadur Biswokarma, Kul Prasad KC and Sonam, think about the unification. Unlike the leadership, they seem to believe that the split is still relevant. Chand, in particular, is of the opinion that the party should either go for an insurgency or unite with the UCPN (Maoist).
The other Maoist
The situation of the UCPN (Maoist) is no different. Immediately after the poll results of the November 19 elections, Dahal was bombarded with accusations of failure by his deputies Baburam Bhattarai and Narayan Kaji Shrestha. Bhattarai publicly told Dahal to take moral responsibility for the party’s loss in the election and step down.
The election result was a serious blow to Dahal’s ambitions as he had hoped that the party would secure the most number of votes and lead the government and the constitution-drafting process. Before the election, Dahal had often projected himself as the new president of the country. However, as of now, Dahal is isolated and is seeking a credible partner to rebuild the party. He thinks that Baidya could be a prospective partner as his relation with Bhattarai and Shrestha has soured.
Dahal sees no option but to join hands with his erstwhile political guru Baidya and unite the parties, irrespective of ideological differences. Dahal is no ideologue. The country has seen in the past that he can subscribe to any ideology if it helps him consolidate his power and position. He is even ready to change the party’s policy towards India if it helps bring the two Maoist parties closer.
Along these lines, in his new political document, Dahal has revised his policy towards India. At the UCPN (Maoist)’s seventh general convention, he had mentioned that all differences with India should be resolved through diplomatic and political channels. Of late, he has been saying that the party’s policy on national sovereignty was flawed and needs to be corrected.
Both parties now agree that symbolic protests are needed “against Indian interferences in internal affairs and unequal treaties signed with India.” Within a span of less than a year, since the party’s general convention in Hetauda shaped the new UCPN (Maoist) ideology, Dahal is publicly saying that he is ready to revise the party’s ideological line.
Hard bargain
The talk of unification between the two parties is welcome, though its timing raises serious concerns regarding the fate of the new constitution. The worry being that unification might complicate constitution drafting, as it will obviously harden the Maoists’ position on key constitutional issues. The CPN-Maoist is already demanding a roundtable conference as a parallel body to the CA, which will only cause difficulties in constitution drafting. There might be further problems if the parties opt for unification without a clear commitment from the Baidya faction that it will accept a federal democratic constitution written by the CA.
Dahal’s statement that the two Maoist parties share almost similar positions on the issues of the new constitution is an indication of his party’s hardening position to appease the CPN-Maoist. But had the two parties held similar views on different issues in the new constitution, they would not have split in the first place. So though the bid to bring the CPN-Maoist into the constitution-drafting process is positive,
doing so should not hold back the overall constitution-drafting process. Dahal, as a living signatory of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, must be responsible and play a positive role in completing the constitution.
Dahal’s influence will only grow if he brings the CPN-Maoist into the broader political process, either though unification or other means. That said, he cannot embrace the line of revolt as propagated by CPN-Maoist in the name of gaining influence. Should Dahal forge an alliance with Baidya by sidelining Bhattarai to increase his bargaining power with other parties, he himself will suffer.
Dahal’s commitment to peace and constitution might flicker at any time due to his fast-growing resumption of a harmonious relationship with the other Maoist party. Therefore, the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML should hurry to provide Dahal with a vital role in the constitution-drafting process. It would be best if Dahal were given a leadership position in the powerful political committee, which has been proposed in the new CA rules of procedures.
5 UCPN (Maoist) leader Hisila Yami was invited to speak at a programme as part of Martin Chautari’s “March as Women’s Month” discussion series, held in collaboration with Chaukhat—a newly established feminist group. The talk was titled “Structural Constraints of Women’s Liberation,” according to her request. However, while the organisers and audience had expected Yami the political theorist and strategist for women’s rights to speak, it was Yami the politician who was present.
The politician Yami
Yami the politician was awe-inspiring. Oozing charisma, she maintained eye contact with the audience at all times, answering questions with warmth, humour and charm. At the end, she shook hands, took time to speak with attendees and insisted on a group photo with her Ipad. As a politician, Yami also showed her prowess at dodging difficult questions and responding selectively to issues raised. Given her party’s current internal and external challenges, the nature and tone of the talk was in one sense understandable. But the audience was visibly, and audibly, not happy. Two points were particularly contested. One was the insistence on women’s rights as secondary to class as “gender is not an ideology” in Yami’s words. And the other was the unwillingness to engage with issues of intersectionality—class, gender, race, ethnicity, age, religion, etc. Based on a basic Marxist reading, there was little room, and importantly willingness, in Yami’s talk for a dialogue.
The issue of dialogue was important in that at the most fundamental level, most of the audience was on her side. To be clear, the people present were not fawning acolytes. There were many attendees who abhorred the focus on the militarisation of women and the violence of war as a means to achieve rights. There were also those who were disappointed and angry at Yami’s alleged corruption and the treatment of female ex-combatants in the post-war period.
However, without question, the Maoist party and Yami—through her various writings while underground (as Comrade Parvati)—have made an enormous impact on the women’s movement and women’s rights in Nepal. Most of the audience had read her work, noted the real strength and power of the Maoist’s women’s wing during the conflict, relative to the women’s wings of other parties and seen the intended and unintended impact on women’s rights in Nepal. As Gagan Thapa, youth leader of the Nepali Congress, stated a few years ago in the context of Maoist pressure to respond to women’s issues, “The Maoists are making us travel in 10 years a path we would have travelled in 50.” Of all of this, the audience was very aware.
Using this as the base, what had been anticipated was an engagement with Yami on the changed circumstances and its consequences for the potential for women’s emancipation and the gaining of rights for women. Yet, while Yami spoke on the need for new thinking within her party as a whole, there was no mention of what this meant in terms of women. A question on the present strength of the women in the party (given its history) was artfully avoided. There was thus no opportunity to understand how the women’s wing—so incredibly powerful and self-critical during the war (negotiating directly with the state and undertaking an internal survey during the war on the extent to which women face discrimination within the party) had fared so badly during the transition.
The Zetkin experience
If the theorist and strategist Yami had been present, a larger and less defensive engagement might have been possible. Even if more recent literature on gender and intersectionality did not form the bases of discussion, there were other avenues. For example, Clara Zetkin—key in the establishment of International Women’s Day and much cited in Yami’s writings and Maoist literature on women’s rights—had stressed the importance of women’s groups within the party. Zetkin saw such groups as crucial for maximising women’s interests and representation, allowing women’s strategic recruitment and involvement in the socialist cause and providing a space where women could learn to think for themselves and make decisions on their own. Zetkin was one of the chief promoters of a separate women’s bureau within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and within the Second International.
Zetkin also stressed, “If the socialist women’s movement is to achieve its full outward and inward success, it must, with all firm organisational connection to the movement as a whole, nevertheless possess a certain measure of independence and freedom of movement...If the male comrades are not judicious enough to provide this vital necessity, it must be fought for.” Yami stressed in her talk the need to give political training to women in their party. But there was no mention of the need for political training for men in the party on sexual prejudice and discrimination. Neither was there any talk on strategies to build up women’s wings for women’s rights within the party.
Women in parties
Zetkin’s own political experience within the SPD is illuminating. She was passed over as Party Executive for a more ‘accommodating’ female and the party abolished the Women’s Conference and in 1912, dissolved the Women’s Bureau. The long-term consequence of these moves, among other things, was a serious decline in the percentage of women in positions of real responsibility relative to their percentage in the party.
If there are lessons to be learnt from Nepali and international history—including Zetkin’s own life—it is that the role of women in the Maoist and other parties must be a key concern for the women’s movement. And as importantly, a wider and more serious engagement by women in political parties with women with differing ideological inclinations must be seen as a strategic necessity in Nepal today.
Tamang is a political scientist
3 For a long time now, we have continued listening to and reading about the government’s commitment to alleviating poverty. Thick volumes of periodic plans are formulated, annual budgets and programmes are sanctioned, and programmes and projects are launched. In terms of number or percentage, we can agree that poverty is gradually being rooted out. However, in terms of visibility, we can find that poverty continues to persist in Nepal.
Some would argue that poverty can be completly alleviated—the UN Secretary General believes that poverty can be ended by 2030. However, many Nepalis would not agree with such arguments and promises. What they seem to believe is that poverty can be reduced, that too if we seriously take care of at least three aspects.
Data and policies
First is data. And, data matters a lot. Having reliable, accurate data, in other words clear information, is very important to succeed in our efforts to reduce poverty. Unfortunately, we do not have qualitative and accurate data, particularly about the poor and also about the availability of resources. The lack of data therefore creates distorted pictures. Our efforts are thus based on distorted pictures. In other words, we do not know enough about who the poorest are or where they reside. Similarly, we do not know enough about what resources are available and what could be an appropriate mixture of resources. No matter how beautifully plans are written and programmes and policies are prepared and pronounced, those most in need are continually left behind. Resources, too, are not used or harnessed effectively.
Second, targeted policies, not slogans or duplicated blueprints, are required to help reduce poverty. In other words, there is a need for a three-pronged approach to effectively reducing poverty. First, we need to promote an ‘escape from poverty’.
We need to provision social assistance that not only provides immediate income support but also helps create wealth. Social assistance must build human capital and enable poor people to take advantage of opportunities. Second, poor people and households always remain vulnerable and could fall back into poverty if government policies are not aimed at helping them manage unforeseen risks while providing them with some kind of social insurance as protection against such risks. Finally, government policies need to help elevate poor people and households to a higher level of well-being. However, we should bear in mind that this can happen only when the poor are able to meet basic security needs and are enthusiastic about making investments in livelihoods and jobs. We need to eradicate attitudes of low risk and low return.
A mix of resources
The third important aspect concerns resources and their use. Over the years, the tendency has been to look at only two types of resources—government revenue and foreign aid. This limited perspective has left us with a perennial constraint of resources to be able to reduce poverty. No matter how poor the country remains, other resources, which can be used or harnessed to reduce poverty, are also available.
For example, we get foreign direct investment. We have portfolio equity invested. In addition to government revenue and official development assistance, we can avail of south-south cooperation, private and public debts, contribution from philanthropic persons and foundations as well as from I/NGOs.
Resources from remittance could also be highly effective in reducing poverty if they are managed and used properly. We receive huge amounts of remittance but unfortunately, they are being used to reduce immediate poverty and for consumption but not for building human capital. Resources available in two other areas are hardly even considered while working out programmes and policies, that is, resources available from the Nepali private sector and private household resources.
Coordinated and targeted
Policymakers, therefore, should not rush to come up with plans with distorted or inaccurate data. There is need for an approach that takes all perspectives and agencies into consideration. Scattered, ad-hoc programmes and policies are not going to work. The most important thing that needs to be taken into consideration is that all kinds of resources—both domestic and international—be utilised in a highly coordinated manner. An appropriate mix of these resources needs to be well thought out before embarking on implementing plans. If we continue to focus on just two ources—government revenue and official development assistance—we will not reduce poverty in real terms.
Ghimire is a senior bureaucrat
4 Almost all of us so-called mind-blocked Nepalis believe that our country has been dominated by other countries, which has resulted in our being enlisted as a least developed country (LDC). It is a matter of belief that not only the economic, socio-cultural, political and legal mechanism of our country, but also the climatic structure, has been affected by other countries. But this is just a hypothesis, which is not true. The history of Nepal’s sovereignty indicates that our country neither needed the governing principles of other countries nor will it need them ever.
Our mind has been so blocked that we are able to view only our deficits and inadequacies. But what about Nepal’s opportunities? Though Nepal is a landlocked country, it is enriched with a variety of natural resources like agro cash crops, medicinal herbs, hydroelectricity and tourism. Also, all of us seem to have forgotten that we are a rich country in terms of water resources. Besides the variety of natural resources, the one with the most scope and which urgently needs to be exploited is the country’s hydro resources. Some hypothetical problems that have prevented us from utilising our hydro resources are political instability, huge trade deficit, lack of capital, lack of skills, lack of technology and our landlocked nature.
Of course, these problems may have affected the establishment of hydropower stations but these are minor. Instead of criticising and condemning the problem, let us think of a middle way to treat these problems as side problems or neutral as far as possible. Research shows that a lack of bargaining power is the main problem.
Here are a few examples. Entrepre-neurs are ready to invest in a backup generator but they are not interested in contributing the same amount of capital to establish hydropower plants. Similarly, so-called economical people are ready to spend money on inverters and candles but they do not want to add money to a pool to build power projects.
Being uncooperative individually to eradicate load-shedding and just blaming the government is said to be mind-blocked. If everyone comes to understand this blockage of the mind and gets ready to arrange capital for the establishment of hydropower stations rather than investing in backup systems, a remarkable amount would be collected and hydropower plants would be built. If we study the history of developed countries like Japan and South Korea, we can see that they are not the outcome of the best governance but the outcome of the collective efforts of all the people in the country. The research, panel and project launched by Mahabir Pun can be consulted and the capital mobilised can be used in similar hydroelectricity development plans. Various social sites and agencies can be used to make the operation transparent.
7 The writing of an acceptable constitution is the most urgent problem Nepal faces right now—a constitution that is republican, secular and inclusive. These are obvious goals to achieve. Thankfully, ending the uncertainty since the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly (CA), we now have the second CA in place with a fresh mandate. But along with the explicit goals of republicanism, secularism and inclusivity, pervasive corruption, increasing criminalisation of politics and centuries of structural injustice to ethnicities, caste and gender all present not so explicit but equally serious problems. The ethnic issue has manifested itself in the form of identity-inclusive federalism.
Major parties have a broad consensus on the first set of issues, even though republicanism, secularism and pluralism in the form of federalism were, in reality, the agenda of the Maoists and Madhesis.But the second set of issues, especially ethnic injustice, has opened up fault lines in Nepali society.
No decent precedent
While the fight against autocracy of various kinds has fortified the frontline leaders of the main political parties, will they be able to address the second set of issues—corruption, criminalisation, and ethnic injustice? Will the parties’ finances be made transparent? Will the corruption that has overwhelmingly benefited functionaries of the state (in this case, the hill castes, unlike India’s AshisNandy’s argument about corruption benefitting India’s OBCs) be abolished? Unlike India, where the first generation of political leaders, under pressure from the British in more ways than one, discovered morality either in Judeo-Christian ethics, Enlightenment liberalism or homegrown reformist religious movements—Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, etc—the Nepali state has always been run by its rulers by hook or by crook.Hook manifested as unscrupulous violence and crook as corruption. Save for a BP and KP here or a Man Mohan Adhikari there (who could hardly establish a gold standard of reasons for the ‘active role’ of the Shah dynasty), there has been no public figure like Gandhi, Nehru or JP who could set standards that would establish a precedent for future generations.
As a result, those who got a de jure and later de facto reservation (the hill castes) in the state structure by virtue of caste, language, nepotism and ethnic favoritism, especially since the coming of the Panchayat system, found themselves looting the state and the public in equal measure. With rare exception, this was the rule. Now, when a rare few outsiders somehow got entry into the state structure, why would they fall behind?
Similarly, the criminalisation of politics didn’t start today. But what was before the preserve of a handful pals of a prince to benefit some sections of the palace (the notorious Bhumigat Giroha, for example) has now become the practice of this or that political party cadre in the Capital or in the districts.
Identity and politics
But more serious and most challenging, is the ethnic issue. To be sure, anti-identity federalists claim that CA II has given them a clear mandate and rejected the identity federalists. And there is some logic to their claim. But what if the Nepali people voted against the antics of the Maoists led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal and the self-serving politics of power and post of the Madhesis—and, not the least, got persuaded by the successful spinning about federalism of the Congress and the CPN-UML? Did the Madhesis, Dalits and Janajatis vote for the Congress and UML to champion ‘topi’ nationalism, as many take it to be?
This is where the leadership crisis of the major parties comes in. Is there a leader, whether in the frontline or in the second rung, who possesses the intellectual, moral and emotional capacity to see through the veil and get to the heart of the matter? To be sure, ultimately, all of us are flesh and blood humans. But why has there been ethnic, cultural, racial, gender, caste strife in the world? How has the world solved them? How is the current crop of Nepali leaders going to solve them?
We have seen that received Marxist, socialist as well as liberal democratic philosophical lines have not been able to unpack and solve the issues of caste and ethnicities. The frontline leaders of the main political parties—Congress, UML and Maoists—are all Bahuns. Many have rejected caste in their personal lives; all profess tenets of universal brotherhood or sisterhood of class or individualism, influenced as they are by their respective political ideologies. But do they have the intellectual preparation, moral courage and emotional toughness to see through the veils of their own caste, language and ethnicity to rise above caste, religion and region to claim identity-less identity and rootless rootedness? So far, they have successfully marketed themselves as national leaders but that compact and consensus stands exposed if the constitution is not drafted to do justice to the marginalised majority.
Internal fissures
On the other hand, the marginalised themselves have shown since 2008 that by rightfully demanding justice based on language, identity, caste and gender, they cling so much to their narrow boundaries that they replicate the discourse of the dominant ideological formations. I give here only two examples. Why did the caste Madhesis fail to forge an alliance with fellow caste Madhesis for a common cause? If they couldn’t form an inter-caste alliance, how could they understand and ally with Tarai janajatis, such as Tharus, Rajbanshis and Dhimals, let alone like-minded hill caste folks? The rhetoric of Limbuwan proponents, too, fell along the same line.
In a situation like this, the leadership crisis in Nepali politics has deepened with every new challenge. How can Nepali leaders prepare themselves for the complexities of emergent Nepal? And who will these men and women be? A debate is necessary.
5 Nepal has always remained an independent and sovereign nation throughout its entire history. There was a time when almost every nation in the world was divided into either alliances or a colony of the so-called power blocks; be it during the world wars or the Cold War period. However, Nepal, with its unique geography and people, has always been able to preserve her independence from outside aggressors. Some of the strengths of Nepal are explained below:
Nepal is a multiethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural country where different ethnic and cultural groups have been living together in harmony for centuries. Unity in diversity in terms of ethnicity, religion and culture has been the strength of Nepal since its inception. It is with this background, that the concept of unity in diversity was adopted by the state post unification of Nepal. Such tolerance, harmony and peace in society despite its heterogenous nature is rarely found in other countries. This strength can be utilised to turn Nepal into one of the most democratic and prosperous nations in the world.
Stragetic gain
The other strength of Nepal lies in its strategic location, which, if properly utilised can help develop the country. Nepal occupies a pivotal position in the Himalayas and lies at the center of the South Asian region. Furthermore, Nepal borders China and India, which are emerging as global powers of the 21st century. This holds multifold benefits for Nepal’s national interest and development. Nepal’s location is strategically vital in the present global geo-political and geo-strategic scenario in general and regional power balance in particular. What Nepal should understand is, until the Cold War period, it did not have a special place in the eyes of the global powers. It does now. So there is an immediate need for Nepal to use it to its advantage by displaying diplomatic maturity as things might not stay the same forever. Policymakers should work to cash this strategic advantage for which there is no better time than now.
Furthermore, Nepal is endowed with plenty of natural resources: rivers, lakes, mountains, forest and minerals, all of which hold tremendous potential for growth. As a state with the second largest hydropower potential in the world, it can also draw the attention of economically powerful countries as water has become a scarce resource globally. Thus, Nepal is a land of great potential.
Economic centre
Add to it Nepal’s strategic location in Asia, its honest and hardworking people and wonderful weather almost round the year. These should be make for an appealing environment for international entrepreneurs to invest their capital. Investors can also benefit from Nepal’s proximity with the two em-erging Asian giants along with South and East Asia. Geographical proximity is one of the major considerations while formulating foreign as well as trade policies which draws geo-economic lines that help economic development of any particular country or region. Therefore, Nepal with its unique geography and wonderful weather, can also be an educational and cultural centre in addition to being a tourist destination. There is no reason why it cannot become an international commercial hub too.
Dedicated Army
The Nepal Army is one of the oldest institutions in South Asia with a long and dignified history in serving the nation and its people. It has been part of all crucial moments in Nepal’s history and performed its task, whether it be internal duties or safeguarding national independence from external aggression, deligently. Moreover, ever since Nepal became a democratic nation, the Army, has effectively fulfilled its duties under a civilian and legitimate government by being accountable to the people, and abiding by its organisational values institutional ethics.
The Nepal Army has always been committed to working under a democratic set up which was proved by the institution’s professional efficiency in the recently concluded Constitutent Assembly. It fulfilled its duties in a manner an old and matured national army would. The institution, will continue to provide its support to the to the legitimate government and help democratic institutions further take root in Nepali society and consolidate peace and stability.
Not all the countries necessarily posses such a right mix for development as Nepal does. Hence, the most important task at hand is to make the most out of these existent opportunities. Policymakers, in particular, should create a conducive environment to realise Nepal’s potential and expedite its development.
Ghale is a former Major General of the Nepal Army
4 Rara Lake is the largest lake in Nepal. Situated at an altitude of 2,990 m above sea level, it is known by various names such as Nymph of Heaven, Mystic Beauty and many others. Among the hordes of beautiful and mystic lakes in Nepal, Rara has a niche of its own. The waves of Rara flow along with the breeze of the mountains. The mighty mountains are there to add glitter to gold. They look like a crown, showing off the pride of the lake and showering snow to add purity. The water of the lake is uncontaminated and its flow is serene. Burgeoning urbanisation and global warming have hardly affected the magical lake. Rara lies high in the clouds, and the lake meditates with the fresh breeze from the mountains. An avid traveller told me about his feelings after touring Rara few years back. If you sit and just relax at the lap of Rara, you forget the flow of time. Time stops there and you feel as if you’ve here since eternity. It’s only you and your solitude. Rara is a virgin, no one can pollute her.
Famous poets and journalists have penned words to praise the magnanimous beauty of Rara Lake. The lyrics to an old Nepali folk song go like this: “My love is as pure as the water of Rara, and I wish someday we two will float along with the serenity of the water till eternity.” The sight of the lake is stupendous. Human vision is limited, so to observe Rara, people have to mediate along with the waves of the lake and feel its fairness. Boating, walking around its shores, playing with the water and hearing the gentle flow of the waves makes it feel like heaven on earth.
With the crack of dawn, the sun spreads its warm golden rays on the lake. Meanwhile, the clouds and the sun play peek-a-boo with each other to further glorify the mystical lake from the sky. At dusk, the separation from the sun’s rays seems to be agonising for the lake. However, she bids farewell to the golden rays with a promise to come back another day with the same warmth and love. During the night, the lake relishes in the moonlight. During the winter, the magical lake is frozen. White snow graces the lake in the winter and the frigid moment seems to be frozen in time. Even though the flow of water is stopped in the winter, the mystical lake has no qualms about it. It silently waits for spring to come because the lake knows that her beauty will last till eternity. I have an unfulfilled desire to get more into the depth of Rara. I confess I am a worshipper of beauty. For the rest of the world, let them walk and ramble along the puzzling trails to find a pristine place on earth.
5 Many women's rights activists often argue that even though Janaandolan I opened the doors to address gender inequities at large, the fundamental problem of uneven representation of women in politics remained.
By the end of the Janaandolan II, the then CPN-Maoist had garnered massive public support by highlighting the deep-seated inequities for marginalised groups such as Dalits and Janajatis. Accordingly, the Three-Year Interim Plan goals were focused on reconstruction, reconciliation and reintegration through a rights-based approach to eliminate structural inequalities.
Quota for women
Later, the influence of Janajati as well as Dalit movements within the key national political parties' overshadowed the women's movement. By the time the second Three Year Plan (2010-2012) was introduced, the gender equity agenda started losing its grip and was compromised with other political party-specific priorities. Thus, simple representative quotas for women arguably proved ineffective at promoting gender equality at large.
Given this political context, the Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment, supported by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the World Bank, offered a deeper understanding of fundamental exclusionary barriers within the development realm and beyond. The assessment report stated that women and children are excluded and relatively vulnerable while Dalit women face triple discrimination. This assessment had a significant impact on how gender and social inclusion strategies were developed in many ministries, including the Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation (MoFSC).
And once the country adopted a democratic form of governance, support for the community forest user group approach started gaining momentum. The Forest Act (1993) and the Forest Regulations (1995) provided the legal foundation for community forestry. Soon after, the community forestry guidelines were amended to require 50 percent female representation in the user groups' executive committees.
The guidelines also included a provision for 35 percent of the income of user groups to be allocated for pro-poor interventions. poor and excluded groups identified then were women and men in economically poorest households: Dalits, Janajati and non-Dalit caste groups, religious minorities and people from remote areas.
Token representation
But my recent efforts at understanding community forestry and gender disaggregation related statistics left me baffled. The current statistics reveal a very poor representation of women and minority groups in forestry-related institutions. For example, there are only three female District Forest Officers in the country and less than four percent of the staff employed by the Forest Ministry is female. The country's only Institute of Forestry has only about eight percent of women working as faculty members.
Though the number of women members in the user groups' executive committees has gradually increased over the years, it still has not reached its target of 50 percent. It is only 31 percent as of now. While this has been a positive achievement, serious attention is also needed to enhance women's active participation and meaningful representation to influence decisions rather than having representative participation.
Though there currently are more than 1,000 women-only user groups covering about 95,955 households, more research needs to be done on their formation, governance and outcomes. It is equally important to understand that these women-only groups are not homogenous. The existing social
differentiation across mixed groups need to be clearly understood and adequately addressed.
Political will
Nepal has undoubtedly taken notable initiatives towards promoting community forestry. More than 35 percent of the total population is engaged in community forestry and there are 18,000 registered community forestry user groups as of now. Furthermore, with the launching of the multi-stakeholder forestry programme—which aims to improve the lives of 24 million forest dependent rural people and to build the resilience capacity of vulnerable people to the effects of climate change—Nepal's community forestry has entered a new phase. With this, the hopes for addressing the challenges of exclusion have also increased.
As many organisations and individuals around the globe are celebrating the International Day of Forest today, I would also like to join the bandwagon to wish the users’ groups and stakeholders a happy forest day. However, my struggle to understand what comes first, political will or inclusive policy, continues. Something that my public policy professor used say a long time back while addressing our class still rings in my ears, “Dear students, political will and inclusive policy are like the story of chicken .
6
Upon going through frequent media reports on incidents and casualties of lighting strikes in Nepal in recent years, one question that has always come up : could this be happening elsewhere as well? In a research I conducted for a BBC report in the last few weeks, I discovered that this has indeed been happening in many developing and least-developed countries. Or, this is what meteorological officials of these countries, from across Africa and Latin America to South and South East Asia, say. Although no formal study has been carried out, their general observation is that lightning incidents are on the rise and so are casualties.
Catch-22 situation
In some countries, the total number of casualties resulting from lightning has been found to be higher than that of floods, landslides, wildfires and droughts. Yet, this natural hazard has hardly drawn the attention of policymakers and those working in the area of disaster risk reduction. Even in international climate negotiations, for instance, this issue has found almost no place. “I have tried to raise this a few times in climate negotiations but I don't hear about it in the meetings and nobody seems to be serious about it,” says Mohammed Quamrul Chaudhry, a negotiator from Bangladesh. “But we can't afford to ignore it because it is just going up in our country and in one recent incident more than 50 people died.”
Bangladeshi Meteorological officials say that they have observed an increase in lightning incidents in the entire South Asian region and that a proper study needs to be conducted on this issue. The problem is that these officials hesitate to speak out about such issues for fear of being challenged by the international scientific community.
“We too have noticed this rise,” says a meteorological scientist from the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation Meteorology Research Centre in Dhaka. “But when we tried to put it out publicly with the hope that there will be a proper research, we have been criticised for speaking about things that had yet to be proven scientifically.”
It is a classic catch-22 situation: if you do not speak about it, no one will pay attention and there will be no scientific study. And unless there is a scientific study, even authorities will hesitate to speak about it.
Climate change linkages
No wonder, Nepali officials in international climate negotiations have yet to touch upon the issue, even when they see media reports on the increasing number of people getting killed and injured by lightning in their own country. The limited climate discourse in Nepal has not been able to pick the issue up as well. But then, it is not that climate science is completely oblivious about lightning. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the supreme body on
climate science, has stated that thunderstorms and lightning will go up as global temperatures rise. Scientists say that different climate models have shown that this natural hazard will increase in the future. Although, there are some meteorologists who see no correspondence between the rising number of lightning incidents and the increasing figure of deaths and injuries from the natural hazard.
But even from a layman's perspective, it is hard to imagine how lightning can be an exception when we are being told that weather patterns will become extreme and weird. Rainfall and snowfall have been predicted to be erratic and seasons forecast to be different from what they used to be. And then, you have meteorologists from diverse developing countries telling you that they have noticed a rise in lightning incidents.
Near the tropics
More than 70 percent of lightning incidents on earth occur in the tropic and sub-tropic regions and that is where most developing and least-developed countries are. Even without climate change, these countries were already seeing the most number of lightning flashes and strikes. And now, with extreme weather becoming the new normal, many scientists think lightning and casualties will both go up in these countries.
Equally important is the population factor. There are more people in developing and least developed countries now and most of them live in houses unprotected from lightning bolts. Those who work out in the field or forests are more exposed and vulnerable. “In the last 10 years, we are finding in Malawi, Swaziland, Zimbabwe and some parts of South Africa that lightning fatalities rate is like it was in the US a hundred years ago,” says Ron Holle, a meteorologist with Vaishala, a Finnish company that manufactures weather-related equipment. “The number of people that are living in places with unsafe housing, schools and other work places and also working in lightning-unsafe outdoors for agriculture may be going up.”
Meteorologists like Holle, who work internationally, say annual lightning casualties are going down drastically in developed countries, as low as zero in some of them. But it is just the opposite in developing and least-developed countries. When it comes to population, it is certainly something that the developing world will have to deal with largely on its own. But on the weather front, it relates to the bigger picture—mitigating climatic changes and adapting to its inevitable impacts. Both of these issues will involve the big players, including present-day major carbon-emitters and those countries that became rich after pumping out huge amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere in the last two centuries.
Will developing and least-developed countries across the globe be able to raise the lightning issue with major players? Especially, when they have been fighting an uphill battle to claim compensation from the developed world for all the losses and damages caused by climatic changes? The irony is that to even raise the issue, they will first have to take help from the same developed world to conduct scientific studies on lightning.
Khadka is a BBC journalist based in London and can be reached at [email protected]
5 Miss World, Miss Universe and Miss Earth pageants are organised every year and the three most beautiful women of our planet are crowned with these titles. They travel across the world promoting causes and attending charity events after being crowned. I wonder if they ever think about promoting poetry during their trips. On the occasion of World Poetry Day, the thought of choosing a World Poet Laureate or just a World Poet, who could be the conscience of our planet, is weighing on my mind.
What is a poet laureate
The Oxford Dictionary defines a poet laureate as an eminent poet appointed as a member of the British royal household. It further adds that the poet laureate was formerly expected to write poems for state occasions but since Victorian times the post has carried no specific duties. The title became established with the appointment of John Dryden in 1668. Currently, poet Carol Ann Duffy has held the title since 2009.
Since 1668, the tradition of crowning eminent poets as poet laureates in the United Kingdom has spread across the world to several countries, including the US and Canada. In both these countries, poet laureates are appointed annually as consultants in poetry by their National Libraries. During their tenure, they are expected to raise the national consciousness to a greater appreciation of poetry.
Besides national poet laureates, world renowned universities like Oxford and Harvard have Professors of Poetry who advance the cause of poetry. Oxford University's Professor of Poetry position was established about 300 years ago in 1708. The demands of the job are to deliver three lectures on poetry each year during the five-year fixed term. In the past 306 years, 44 poets have been elected to this position. Geoffrey Hill is Professor of Poetry at Oxford at the moment.
In the same vein, the Charles Eliot Norton Professorship of Poetry at Harvard University has been in place since 1925 as an annual lectureship in "poetry in the broadest sense". The Professor of Poetry is expected to deliver customarily six lectures in an academic year. Pianist and composer Herbie Hancock was named as the 2014 Charles Eliot Norton Professor of Poetry. Past Norton Professors include TS Eliot, Igor Stravinsky, Jorge Luis Borges, Charles Eames, Leonard Bernstein, John Cage, Nadine Gordimer, Orhan Pamuk and William Kentridge.
Poetry for humanity
Unesco declared March 21 as World Poetry Day in 1999 to give fresh recognition and impetus to national, regional and international poetry movements with the premise that "poetry reaffirms our common humanity by revealing to us that individuals, everywhere in the world, share the same questions and
feelings."
As per Unesco, the purpose of celebrating World Poetry Day is to encourage the oral tradition of poetry recitals and to promote dialogue between poetry and painting, music, theatre and other art forms. Supporting small publishers who publish poetry, making poetry attractive for the media, re-moulding the image of poetry in the media and making it attractive for the younger generation are some of the other goals behind celebrating World Poetry Day.
On the 15th anniversary of World Poetry Day, Unesco could consider establishing the institution of a World Poet Laureate as a consultant in poetry to Unesco or simply a Unesco World Poet whose task would be to travel across the world promoting poetry and raising global consciousness for the greater appreciation of poetry.
Selecting a world poet
The ideal way for Unesco to select the World Poet Laureate would be to get nominations from across the world and then put the list to a popular vote. However, if it finds the process cumbersome, there are other readily available options for consideration, such as, to appoint the most recent Nobel Prize winner in literature who received the coveted prize for his/her contributions to poetry. Such a person could hold the title till the next poet wins the Nobel prize for his/her poetry. Another option is to select the Unesco World Poet for the tenure of two years each from among the surviving poets who have won Nobel Prizes in literature.
The World Poet Laureate's work would be to visit every country, deliver lectures on poetry, recite his/her poems and thus, help Unesco achieve its goal of promoting dialogues across cultures through the universal art of poetry.
Abhay K is a poet-diplomat. Views expressed are personal
Lopsided priorities
In Nepal, we have always prioritised noise over action. For instance, an activist group that receives $100,000 a year to talk about why projects should not be implemented is preferred over an investor who is willing to put a $100 million into Nepal. We allow anyone to open a shop in Nepal and engage in any sort of business as long as they have the right connections. We get carried away with 'catchwords' and 'phrases' rather than real action on the ground. We are too happy organising walks, runs and events, jostling banners and printing t-shirts instead of thinking of one good event that can put Nepal on the global map, attracting millions of international and domestic tourists.
We are happy to promote more INGOs and NGOs that will provide employment and sustainable income only for a limited period of time rather than businesses and investments that will provide livelihoods for generations. In Western Nepal, streets are lined with NGO boards but in every little town that has fewer of these banners and boards, you notice how livelihood has changed. For the donor community, it is quite easy to tick off the boxes of a project rather than go through the risks of investing in a business. Therefore, the recent change in the trend of bilaterals moving from soft 'report writing' to real promotion of business and investment is welcome. And I hope we see a 'business' approach to it.
Pro-poverty, not pro-poor
A fatalist mindset, coupled by the 'pro-poverty' agenda in contrast to a 'pro-poor' agenda, also makes potential problems a welcome sign to many. A professional photographer who shoots for cover pages of 'pro-poverty' reports once confided that it is becoming more and more difficult to get pictures of children in tattered clothes or faces that depict malnutrition. Development practitioners who have been travelling to the 'field' lament that villages are being connected by road and 'concrete' buildings are coming up. They cannot sell the business of 'poverty' anymore. Prosperity has come as a major obstacle to their work.
It is time that we change our focus from pro-poverty to pro-poor, where we move families and households away from poverty in one generation. To alleviate poverty, we need to create wealth, which can be done by providing incentives to the poor to equip themselves, either with skills to run micro—enterprises to begin with or through jobs. We need to ensure that every child from poor families is educated so that a generation is alleviated from poverty. Similarly, we need to ensure that these children do not die due to diseases and they are healthy enough to go through the education process. If we keep our focus on ensuring health and education to the potential poor, we can tackle poverty.
Democracy must rule
For investments to take precedence over grants and donations, we need to keep the spirit of democracy intact. The Maoists, whom we all dreaded once, are political forces trying to figure out their future in a democratic set up. We are definitely better off than the days of war when an average of four Nepalis died each day, when a person from one corner of Nepal did not feel safe travelling to another and when Nepalis were scared to chat in teashops. We need to continue to push democratic values. We cannot descend to the Bangkok mindset, where people want democracy but their own group to rule.
We need to promote democracy within the political parties too. We cannot have people nominated by the party president electing the party president. We need to nurture women leaders and young leaders and provide them opportunities. We need to step away from grooming gun wielding 'youth' leaders for the future. A system needs to be set up within parties to find an alternative to pseudo-militant workers and student unions for a support base as well as nurturing future leaders.
If we had focused on wealth creation rather our 'pro-poverty' agenda and brought about changes within political parties to strengthen democracy, our reaction to the joint statement would have been different. Furthermore, if the parties had practiced internal democracy then the joint statement would have come with much internal deliberation and could have been drastically different.
2 Experiences of successful democracies have shown that a constitutional framework is the foundation on which basic norms and major institutions of democracy rest. Thus, the design of a constitution and its constitution-making or reform process can play an important role in the formulation of political and governance transition, as has been seen in many emerging democracies like South Africa, Timor-Leste, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Tunisia.
Recent writings from constitutional scholars, including Cheryl Saunders, Tom Ginsberg, Yash Ghai and Michele Brandt, assert that constitution making after conflict is a challenge as well as an opportunity to create a vision for the democratic future of the state and a roadmap on how to get there. Failures in managing conflicts and changes through peaceful means have ended in either a revival of violent conflicts or a continuation of political instability in post-conflict situations. Examples of such revivals are many, as in Cambodia (1997), Haiti (2004), Liberia (2004) and Egypt (2014), and so is the continuity of instability and uncertainty as seen in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and Ukraine. Nepal represents a unique case, where despite the first Constituent Assembly's (CA) inability to produce a constitution and the repeated failures of the political parties to manage political changes, conflict has not been revived.
Will Nepal be able to come up with a successful design? The political and social engineers of our constitution-writing process have not been very inspiring as their discourses do not seem to reflect vision, self-confidence, courage and skills. Senior leaders even appear to be afraid of competent new people. Therefore, hope now rests on the young.
The first attempt
After six previous constitutions failed to institutionalise democracy during the past seven decades, Nepal embarked on drafting its seventh constitution in 2008 through an elected CA of 601 representatives under the second Interim Constitution. The CA had promised to promulgate a federal constitution within two years. As part of the peace and constitution-building process, a Comprehesive Peace Agreement was signed in 2006 between the then rebel Maoists, who led the armed insurgency, and the then coalition government of eight parties headed by the Nepali Congress. Unfortunately, the CA failed to deliver even a draft constitution after four years of extended life.
Interestingly, Nepal's first attempt to create a CA to draft a new constitutional framework under the first Interim Constitution during the early 50s was liquidated by the then king. This time, it was mainly due to gaps in knowledge and skill among the ideologically-divided political parties in the huge Assembly, and their failure to agree on over 200 contentious constitutional issues, especially identity-based federalism and forms of governance. Moreover, the newly emerged political forces and their leaders prioritised power sharing and government formation over constitution writing.
Furthermore, the unwelcome and adamant attitude of the CA leaders kept constitutional experts and practitioners at a distance and prevented them from sharing their knowledge and experiences. Public consultations were not adequately conducted, as is needed in post-conflict constitution-making exercises to ensure local ownership. As a result, the Assembly died an unnatural death on May 27, 2012. Despite the Supreme Court's warning, no attempt was made to look for options to draft the constitution nor were explanations given to the people by anyone, not even by the Assembly authorities and political parties, as to why the CA failed to complete its job. The CA nevertheless emerged as a 'grand forum' of inclusive representation where issues of constitutionalism and national development could be openly debated.
The second round
In order to bring the derailed constitutional and political process back on track, intensive dialogues amongst relevant national and international actors, mainly the head of state and the reluctant political parties, took place, but without tangible results. Then, extraordinary political measures were taken by the country in agreement with the President, the then Chief Justice and the major political parties, through the exceptional constitutional tool of 'removing constitutional difficulties' and 'ordinances' under the Interim Constitution to hold fresh elections to a CA at the earliest. The reconstituted Election Commission, backed by a Chief Justice-led interim electoral government, successfully held elections on November 19, 2013 thereby enabling nearly eighty percent of the people to articulate their voice through ballots. To prevent the country plunging into a new wave of political conflict, the national security apparatus was also peacefully mobilised.
Despite several deficiencies and odd constitutional experiments, Nepal has once again entrusted the task of drafting a new constitution to a new sovereign CA. The Assembly has about 70 percent new faces, especially youth and women. The task of resolving contentious issues, including the creation of a well-designed federation, is not an easy job for such an inclusive House. Managing a small but resourceful nation inhabited by 125 ethnic groups, speaking over 90 languages, under a democratic constitutional framework, certainly demands a sophisticated but simplified governance model. Since the country has suffered enough and now learned lessons, it has to embark with full commitment on a course to offer a 'common national vision', reflected in a new democratic charter that is owned by the people of all segments.
No compromise
The government, political parties and others in and out of the Assembly must play a balanced role to achieve such an important task. Accommodating and managing dissentions through due process is key to success in peace and constitution-building exercises. Early signs of party leaders' utterances and their failure to rise above petty partisan interests in through agreed rules of procedure and fundamental constitutional principles, and in forming a coalition government, are not very encouraging. The political parties and all CA members, however, must not forget that the people, as well as the world community, are closely watching them. They should be very careful in designing and executing every stage of the constitution-building process. The people know that they are sovereign and ballots are their most powerful democratic tool. If any compromise is made against democratic values, rule of law and the achievements made so far, the people will not hesitate to revolt.
We Nepalis have no other option but to work together to create a constitution that can partly be a peace agreement, which allows space for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and victims' rehabilitation process, and partly a national legal framework for federal governance. The legal charter must set up the rules by which the new democracy will institutionally operate, ensuring 'unity in diversity' and offering adequate decision-making opportunities for the people of Nepal towards their prosperity. All depends on how seriously and boldly the new Assembly members, especially youths, come forward by setting aside their petty differences. What is urgently needed now is courage and skill from the leadership and continued vigilance from the people, especially civil society and experts.
Dhungel is a Senior Advocate and Constitutional Lawyer
3 At a time when the political parties are all set to begin the constitution-drafting process and are finalising the Constituent Assembly (CA) rules of procedure, the two Maoist parties—UCPN (Maoist) and CPN-Maoist—are busy in parleys to explore common ground for party unification.
Though deep ideological differences continue to persist, both parties are ready to revise their current positions and embrace unification. They seem to have concluded that only unification can ensure their noticeable presence in the overall political process. Thus, the announcement of a working alliance on March 13 was aimed at showing that the two parties can come together on vital national issues at any time for their mutual benefit.
Furthermore, both parties seem to have reached the conclusion that their ideologies have become obsolete while their organisational structures have been rendered dysfunctional across the country. Additionally, they both regret the party split and agree that it needs to be corrected.
CPN-Maoist confusions
Though it has been almost two years since it split from the UCPN (Maoist), the CPN-Maoist is struggling to chart a clear path and identify its ultimate goal. The CPN-Maoist’s official political line, as of now, is to capture the state through an ‘urban revolt’. But party leaders and cadres no longer see the possibility of this happening. Therefore, they are urging the leadership to formulate a new ideology.
This ideological crisis has generated frustration and dissatisfaction among second-rung leaders and cadres. Moreover, as intra-party disputes are escalating, party veterans Mohan Baidya, Ram Bahadur Thapa and CP Gajurel are failing to provide proper direction. These leaders see party unification as the best alternative to bail them out. But it is not yet clear what young leaders like Netra Bikram Chand, Khadka Bahadur Biswokarma, Kul Prasad KC and Sonam, think about the unification. Unlike the leadership, they seem to believe that the split is still relevant. Chand, in particular, is of the opinion that the party should either go for an insurgency or unite with the UCPN (Maoist).
The other Maoist
The situation of the UCPN (Maoist) is no different. Immediately after the poll results of the November 19 elections, Dahal was bombarded with accusations of failure by his deputies Baburam Bhattarai and Narayan Kaji Shrestha. Bhattarai publicly told Dahal to take moral responsibility for the party’s loss in the election and step down.
The election result was a serious blow to Dahal’s ambitions as he had hoped that the party would secure the most number of votes and lead the government and the constitution-drafting process. Before the election, Dahal had often projected himself as the new president of the country. However, as of now, Dahal is isolated and is seeking a credible partner to rebuild the party. He thinks that Baidya could be a prospective partner as his relation with Bhattarai and Shrestha has soured.
Dahal sees no option but to join hands with his erstwhile political guru Baidya and unite the parties, irrespective of ideological differences. Dahal is no ideologue. The country has seen in the past that he can subscribe to any ideology if it helps him consolidate his power and position. He is even ready to change the party’s policy towards India if it helps bring the two Maoist parties closer.
Along these lines, in his new political document, Dahal has revised his policy towards India. At the UCPN (Maoist)’s seventh general convention, he had mentioned that all differences with India should be resolved through diplomatic and political channels. Of late, he has been saying that the party’s policy on national sovereignty was flawed and needs to be corrected.
Both parties now agree that symbolic protests are needed “against Indian interferences in internal affairs and unequal treaties signed with India.” Within a span of less than a year, since the party’s general convention in Hetauda shaped the new UCPN (Maoist) ideology, Dahal is publicly saying that he is ready to revise the party’s ideological line.
Hard bargain
The talk of unification between the two parties is welcome, though its timing raises serious concerns regarding the fate of the new constitution. The worry being that unification might complicate constitution drafting, as it will obviously harden the Maoists’ position on key constitutional issues. The CPN-Maoist is already demanding a roundtable conference as a parallel body to the CA, which will only cause difficulties in constitution drafting. There might be further problems if the parties opt for unification without a clear commitment from the Baidya faction that it will accept a federal democratic constitution written by the CA.
Dahal’s statement that the two Maoist parties share almost similar positions on the issues of the new constitution is an indication of his party’s hardening position to appease the CPN-Maoist. But had the two parties held similar views on different issues in the new constitution, they would not have split in the first place. So though the bid to bring the CPN-Maoist into the constitution-drafting process is positive,
doing so should not hold back the overall constitution-drafting process. Dahal, as a living signatory of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, must be responsible and play a positive role in completing the constitution.
Dahal’s influence will only grow if he brings the CPN-Maoist into the broader political process, either though unification or other means. That said, he cannot embrace the line of revolt as propagated by CPN-Maoist in the name of gaining influence. Should Dahal forge an alliance with Baidya by sidelining Bhattarai to increase his bargaining power with other parties, he himself will suffer.
Dahal’s commitment to peace and constitution might flicker at any time due to his fast-growing resumption of a harmonious relationship with the other Maoist party. Therefore, the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML should hurry to provide Dahal with a vital role in the constitution-drafting process. It would be best if Dahal were given a leadership position in the powerful political committee, which has been proposed in the new CA rules of procedures.
5 UCPN (Maoist) leader Hisila Yami was invited to speak at a programme as part of Martin Chautari’s “March as Women’s Month” discussion series, held in collaboration with Chaukhat—a newly established feminist group. The talk was titled “Structural Constraints of Women’s Liberation,” according to her request. However, while the organisers and audience had expected Yami the political theorist and strategist for women’s rights to speak, it was Yami the politician who was present.
The politician Yami
Yami the politician was awe-inspiring. Oozing charisma, she maintained eye contact with the audience at all times, answering questions with warmth, humour and charm. At the end, she shook hands, took time to speak with attendees and insisted on a group photo with her Ipad. As a politician, Yami also showed her prowess at dodging difficult questions and responding selectively to issues raised. Given her party’s current internal and external challenges, the nature and tone of the talk was in one sense understandable. But the audience was visibly, and audibly, not happy. Two points were particularly contested. One was the insistence on women’s rights as secondary to class as “gender is not an ideology” in Yami’s words. And the other was the unwillingness to engage with issues of intersectionality—class, gender, race, ethnicity, age, religion, etc. Based on a basic Marxist reading, there was little room, and importantly willingness, in Yami’s talk for a dialogue.
The issue of dialogue was important in that at the most fundamental level, most of the audience was on her side. To be clear, the people present were not fawning acolytes. There were many attendees who abhorred the focus on the militarisation of women and the violence of war as a means to achieve rights. There were also those who were disappointed and angry at Yami’s alleged corruption and the treatment of female ex-combatants in the post-war period.
However, without question, the Maoist party and Yami—through her various writings while underground (as Comrade Parvati)—have made an enormous impact on the women’s movement and women’s rights in Nepal. Most of the audience had read her work, noted the real strength and power of the Maoist’s women’s wing during the conflict, relative to the women’s wings of other parties and seen the intended and unintended impact on women’s rights in Nepal. As Gagan Thapa, youth leader of the Nepali Congress, stated a few years ago in the context of Maoist pressure to respond to women’s issues, “The Maoists are making us travel in 10 years a path we would have travelled in 50.” Of all of this, the audience was very aware.
Using this as the base, what had been anticipated was an engagement with Yami on the changed circumstances and its consequences for the potential for women’s emancipation and the gaining of rights for women. Yet, while Yami spoke on the need for new thinking within her party as a whole, there was no mention of what this meant in terms of women. A question on the present strength of the women in the party (given its history) was artfully avoided. There was thus no opportunity to understand how the women’s wing—so incredibly powerful and self-critical during the war (negotiating directly with the state and undertaking an internal survey during the war on the extent to which women face discrimination within the party) had fared so badly during the transition.
The Zetkin experience
If the theorist and strategist Yami had been present, a larger and less defensive engagement might have been possible. Even if more recent literature on gender and intersectionality did not form the bases of discussion, there were other avenues. For example, Clara Zetkin—key in the establishment of International Women’s Day and much cited in Yami’s writings and Maoist literature on women’s rights—had stressed the importance of women’s groups within the party. Zetkin saw such groups as crucial for maximising women’s interests and representation, allowing women’s strategic recruitment and involvement in the socialist cause and providing a space where women could learn to think for themselves and make decisions on their own. Zetkin was one of the chief promoters of a separate women’s bureau within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and within the Second International.
Zetkin also stressed, “If the socialist women’s movement is to achieve its full outward and inward success, it must, with all firm organisational connection to the movement as a whole, nevertheless possess a certain measure of independence and freedom of movement...If the male comrades are not judicious enough to provide this vital necessity, it must be fought for.” Yami stressed in her talk the need to give political training to women in their party. But there was no mention of the need for political training for men in the party on sexual prejudice and discrimination. Neither was there any talk on strategies to build up women’s wings for women’s rights within the party.
Women in parties
Zetkin’s own political experience within the SPD is illuminating. She was passed over as Party Executive for a more ‘accommodating’ female and the party abolished the Women’s Conference and in 1912, dissolved the Women’s Bureau. The long-term consequence of these moves, among other things, was a serious decline in the percentage of women in positions of real responsibility relative to their percentage in the party.
If there are lessons to be learnt from Nepali and international history—including Zetkin’s own life—it is that the role of women in the Maoist and other parties must be a key concern for the women’s movement. And as importantly, a wider and more serious engagement by women in political parties with women with differing ideological inclinations must be seen as a strategic necessity in Nepal today.
Tamang is a political scientist
3 For a long time now, we have continued listening to and reading about the government’s commitment to alleviating poverty. Thick volumes of periodic plans are formulated, annual budgets and programmes are sanctioned, and programmes and projects are launched. In terms of number or percentage, we can agree that poverty is gradually being rooted out. However, in terms of visibility, we can find that poverty continues to persist in Nepal.
Some would argue that poverty can be completly alleviated—the UN Secretary General believes that poverty can be ended by 2030. However, many Nepalis would not agree with such arguments and promises. What they seem to believe is that poverty can be reduced, that too if we seriously take care of at least three aspects.
Data and policies
First is data. And, data matters a lot. Having reliable, accurate data, in other words clear information, is very important to succeed in our efforts to reduce poverty. Unfortunately, we do not have qualitative and accurate data, particularly about the poor and also about the availability of resources. The lack of data therefore creates distorted pictures. Our efforts are thus based on distorted pictures. In other words, we do not know enough about who the poorest are or where they reside. Similarly, we do not know enough about what resources are available and what could be an appropriate mixture of resources. No matter how beautifully plans are written and programmes and policies are prepared and pronounced, those most in need are continually left behind. Resources, too, are not used or harnessed effectively.
Second, targeted policies, not slogans or duplicated blueprints, are required to help reduce poverty. In other words, there is a need for a three-pronged approach to effectively reducing poverty. First, we need to promote an ‘escape from poverty’.
We need to provision social assistance that not only provides immediate income support but also helps create wealth. Social assistance must build human capital and enable poor people to take advantage of opportunities. Second, poor people and households always remain vulnerable and could fall back into poverty if government policies are not aimed at helping them manage unforeseen risks while providing them with some kind of social insurance as protection against such risks. Finally, government policies need to help elevate poor people and households to a higher level of well-being. However, we should bear in mind that this can happen only when the poor are able to meet basic security needs and are enthusiastic about making investments in livelihoods and jobs. We need to eradicate attitudes of low risk and low return.
A mix of resources
The third important aspect concerns resources and their use. Over the years, the tendency has been to look at only two types of resources—government revenue and foreign aid. This limited perspective has left us with a perennial constraint of resources to be able to reduce poverty. No matter how poor the country remains, other resources, which can be used or harnessed to reduce poverty, are also available.
For example, we get foreign direct investment. We have portfolio equity invested. In addition to government revenue and official development assistance, we can avail of south-south cooperation, private and public debts, contribution from philanthropic persons and foundations as well as from I/NGOs.
Resources from remittance could also be highly effective in reducing poverty if they are managed and used properly. We receive huge amounts of remittance but unfortunately, they are being used to reduce immediate poverty and for consumption but not for building human capital. Resources available in two other areas are hardly even considered while working out programmes and policies, that is, resources available from the Nepali private sector and private household resources.
Coordinated and targeted
Policymakers, therefore, should not rush to come up with plans with distorted or inaccurate data. There is need for an approach that takes all perspectives and agencies into consideration. Scattered, ad-hoc programmes and policies are not going to work. The most important thing that needs to be taken into consideration is that all kinds of resources—both domestic and international—be utilised in a highly coordinated manner. An appropriate mix of these resources needs to be well thought out before embarking on implementing plans. If we continue to focus on just two ources—government revenue and official development assistance—we will not reduce poverty in real terms.
Ghimire is a senior bureaucrat
4 Almost all of us so-called mind-blocked Nepalis believe that our country has been dominated by other countries, which has resulted in our being enlisted as a least developed country (LDC). It is a matter of belief that not only the economic, socio-cultural, political and legal mechanism of our country, but also the climatic structure, has been affected by other countries. But this is just a hypothesis, which is not true. The history of Nepal’s sovereignty indicates that our country neither needed the governing principles of other countries nor will it need them ever.
Our mind has been so blocked that we are able to view only our deficits and inadequacies. But what about Nepal’s opportunities? Though Nepal is a landlocked country, it is enriched with a variety of natural resources like agro cash crops, medicinal herbs, hydroelectricity and tourism. Also, all of us seem to have forgotten that we are a rich country in terms of water resources. Besides the variety of natural resources, the one with the most scope and which urgently needs to be exploited is the country’s hydro resources. Some hypothetical problems that have prevented us from utilising our hydro resources are political instability, huge trade deficit, lack of capital, lack of skills, lack of technology and our landlocked nature.
Of course, these problems may have affected the establishment of hydropower stations but these are minor. Instead of criticising and condemning the problem, let us think of a middle way to treat these problems as side problems or neutral as far as possible. Research shows that a lack of bargaining power is the main problem.
Here are a few examples. Entrepre-neurs are ready to invest in a backup generator but they are not interested in contributing the same amount of capital to establish hydropower plants. Similarly, so-called economical people are ready to spend money on inverters and candles but they do not want to add money to a pool to build power projects.
Being uncooperative individually to eradicate load-shedding and just blaming the government is said to be mind-blocked. If everyone comes to understand this blockage of the mind and gets ready to arrange capital for the establishment of hydropower stations rather than investing in backup systems, a remarkable amount would be collected and hydropower plants would be built. If we study the history of developed countries like Japan and South Korea, we can see that they are not the outcome of the best governance but the outcome of the collective efforts of all the people in the country. The research, panel and project launched by Mahabir Pun can be consulted and the capital mobilised can be used in similar hydroelectricity development plans. Various social sites and agencies can be used to make the operation transparent.
7 The writing of an acceptable constitution is the most urgent problem Nepal faces right now—a constitution that is republican, secular and inclusive. These are obvious goals to achieve. Thankfully, ending the uncertainty since the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly (CA), we now have the second CA in place with a fresh mandate. But along with the explicit goals of republicanism, secularism and inclusivity, pervasive corruption, increasing criminalisation of politics and centuries of structural injustice to ethnicities, caste and gender all present not so explicit but equally serious problems. The ethnic issue has manifested itself in the form of identity-inclusive federalism.
Major parties have a broad consensus on the first set of issues, even though republicanism, secularism and pluralism in the form of federalism were, in reality, the agenda of the Maoists and Madhesis.But the second set of issues, especially ethnic injustice, has opened up fault lines in Nepali society.
No decent precedent
While the fight against autocracy of various kinds has fortified the frontline leaders of the main political parties, will they be able to address the second set of issues—corruption, criminalisation, and ethnic injustice? Will the parties’ finances be made transparent? Will the corruption that has overwhelmingly benefited functionaries of the state (in this case, the hill castes, unlike India’s AshisNandy’s argument about corruption benefitting India’s OBCs) be abolished? Unlike India, where the first generation of political leaders, under pressure from the British in more ways than one, discovered morality either in Judeo-Christian ethics, Enlightenment liberalism or homegrown reformist religious movements—Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, etc—the Nepali state has always been run by its rulers by hook or by crook.Hook manifested as unscrupulous violence and crook as corruption. Save for a BP and KP here or a Man Mohan Adhikari there (who could hardly establish a gold standard of reasons for the ‘active role’ of the Shah dynasty), there has been no public figure like Gandhi, Nehru or JP who could set standards that would establish a precedent for future generations.
As a result, those who got a de jure and later de facto reservation (the hill castes) in the state structure by virtue of caste, language, nepotism and ethnic favoritism, especially since the coming of the Panchayat system, found themselves looting the state and the public in equal measure. With rare exception, this was the rule. Now, when a rare few outsiders somehow got entry into the state structure, why would they fall behind?
Similarly, the criminalisation of politics didn’t start today. But what was before the preserve of a handful pals of a prince to benefit some sections of the palace (the notorious Bhumigat Giroha, for example) has now become the practice of this or that political party cadre in the Capital or in the districts.
Identity and politics
But more serious and most challenging, is the ethnic issue. To be sure, anti-identity federalists claim that CA II has given them a clear mandate and rejected the identity federalists. And there is some logic to their claim. But what if the Nepali people voted against the antics of the Maoists led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal and the self-serving politics of power and post of the Madhesis—and, not the least, got persuaded by the successful spinning about federalism of the Congress and the CPN-UML? Did the Madhesis, Dalits and Janajatis vote for the Congress and UML to champion ‘topi’ nationalism, as many take it to be?
This is where the leadership crisis of the major parties comes in. Is there a leader, whether in the frontline or in the second rung, who possesses the intellectual, moral and emotional capacity to see through the veil and get to the heart of the matter? To be sure, ultimately, all of us are flesh and blood humans. But why has there been ethnic, cultural, racial, gender, caste strife in the world? How has the world solved them? How is the current crop of Nepali leaders going to solve them?
We have seen that received Marxist, socialist as well as liberal democratic philosophical lines have not been able to unpack and solve the issues of caste and ethnicities. The frontline leaders of the main political parties—Congress, UML and Maoists—are all Bahuns. Many have rejected caste in their personal lives; all profess tenets of universal brotherhood or sisterhood of class or individualism, influenced as they are by their respective political ideologies. But do they have the intellectual preparation, moral courage and emotional toughness to see through the veils of their own caste, language and ethnicity to rise above caste, religion and region to claim identity-less identity and rootless rootedness? So far, they have successfully marketed themselves as national leaders but that compact and consensus stands exposed if the constitution is not drafted to do justice to the marginalised majority.
Internal fissures
On the other hand, the marginalised themselves have shown since 2008 that by rightfully demanding justice based on language, identity, caste and gender, they cling so much to their narrow boundaries that they replicate the discourse of the dominant ideological formations. I give here only two examples. Why did the caste Madhesis fail to forge an alliance with fellow caste Madhesis for a common cause? If they couldn’t form an inter-caste alliance, how could they understand and ally with Tarai janajatis, such as Tharus, Rajbanshis and Dhimals, let alone like-minded hill caste folks? The rhetoric of Limbuwan proponents, too, fell along the same line.
In a situation like this, the leadership crisis in Nepali politics has deepened with every new challenge. How can Nepali leaders prepare themselves for the complexities of emergent Nepal? And who will these men and women be? A debate is necessary.
5 Nepal has always remained an independent and sovereign nation throughout its entire history. There was a time when almost every nation in the world was divided into either alliances or a colony of the so-called power blocks; be it during the world wars or the Cold War period. However, Nepal, with its unique geography and people, has always been able to preserve her independence from outside aggressors. Some of the strengths of Nepal are explained below:
Nepal is a multiethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural country where different ethnic and cultural groups have been living together in harmony for centuries. Unity in diversity in terms of ethnicity, religion and culture has been the strength of Nepal since its inception. It is with this background, that the concept of unity in diversity was adopted by the state post unification of Nepal. Such tolerance, harmony and peace in society despite its heterogenous nature is rarely found in other countries. This strength can be utilised to turn Nepal into one of the most democratic and prosperous nations in the world.
Stragetic gain
The other strength of Nepal lies in its strategic location, which, if properly utilised can help develop the country. Nepal occupies a pivotal position in the Himalayas and lies at the center of the South Asian region. Furthermore, Nepal borders China and India, which are emerging as global powers of the 21st century. This holds multifold benefits for Nepal’s national interest and development. Nepal’s location is strategically vital in the present global geo-political and geo-strategic scenario in general and regional power balance in particular. What Nepal should understand is, until the Cold War period, it did not have a special place in the eyes of the global powers. It does now. So there is an immediate need for Nepal to use it to its advantage by displaying diplomatic maturity as things might not stay the same forever. Policymakers should work to cash this strategic advantage for which there is no better time than now.
Furthermore, Nepal is endowed with plenty of natural resources: rivers, lakes, mountains, forest and minerals, all of which hold tremendous potential for growth. As a state with the second largest hydropower potential in the world, it can also draw the attention of economically powerful countries as water has become a scarce resource globally. Thus, Nepal is a land of great potential.
Economic centre
Add to it Nepal’s strategic location in Asia, its honest and hardworking people and wonderful weather almost round the year. These should be make for an appealing environment for international entrepreneurs to invest their capital. Investors can also benefit from Nepal’s proximity with the two em-erging Asian giants along with South and East Asia. Geographical proximity is one of the major considerations while formulating foreign as well as trade policies which draws geo-economic lines that help economic development of any particular country or region. Therefore, Nepal with its unique geography and wonderful weather, can also be an educational and cultural centre in addition to being a tourist destination. There is no reason why it cannot become an international commercial hub too.
Dedicated Army
The Nepal Army is one of the oldest institutions in South Asia with a long and dignified history in serving the nation and its people. It has been part of all crucial moments in Nepal’s history and performed its task, whether it be internal duties or safeguarding national independence from external aggression, deligently. Moreover, ever since Nepal became a democratic nation, the Army, has effectively fulfilled its duties under a civilian and legitimate government by being accountable to the people, and abiding by its organisational values institutional ethics.
The Nepal Army has always been committed to working under a democratic set up which was proved by the institution’s professional efficiency in the recently concluded Constitutent Assembly. It fulfilled its duties in a manner an old and matured national army would. The institution, will continue to provide its support to the to the legitimate government and help democratic institutions further take root in Nepali society and consolidate peace and stability.
Not all the countries necessarily posses such a right mix for development as Nepal does. Hence, the most important task at hand is to make the most out of these existent opportunities. Policymakers, in particular, should create a conducive environment to realise Nepal’s potential and expedite its development.
Ghale is a former Major General of the Nepal Army
4 Rara Lake is the largest lake in Nepal. Situated at an altitude of 2,990 m above sea level, it is known by various names such as Nymph of Heaven, Mystic Beauty and many others. Among the hordes of beautiful and mystic lakes in Nepal, Rara has a niche of its own. The waves of Rara flow along with the breeze of the mountains. The mighty mountains are there to add glitter to gold. They look like a crown, showing off the pride of the lake and showering snow to add purity. The water of the lake is uncontaminated and its flow is serene. Burgeoning urbanisation and global warming have hardly affected the magical lake. Rara lies high in the clouds, and the lake meditates with the fresh breeze from the mountains. An avid traveller told me about his feelings after touring Rara few years back. If you sit and just relax at the lap of Rara, you forget the flow of time. Time stops there and you feel as if you’ve here since eternity. It’s only you and your solitude. Rara is a virgin, no one can pollute her.
Famous poets and journalists have penned words to praise the magnanimous beauty of Rara Lake. The lyrics to an old Nepali folk song go like this: “My love is as pure as the water of Rara, and I wish someday we two will float along with the serenity of the water till eternity.” The sight of the lake is stupendous. Human vision is limited, so to observe Rara, people have to mediate along with the waves of the lake and feel its fairness. Boating, walking around its shores, playing with the water and hearing the gentle flow of the waves makes it feel like heaven on earth.
With the crack of dawn, the sun spreads its warm golden rays on the lake. Meanwhile, the clouds and the sun play peek-a-boo with each other to further glorify the mystical lake from the sky. At dusk, the separation from the sun’s rays seems to be agonising for the lake. However, she bids farewell to the golden rays with a promise to come back another day with the same warmth and love. During the night, the lake relishes in the moonlight. During the winter, the magical lake is frozen. White snow graces the lake in the winter and the frigid moment seems to be frozen in time. Even though the flow of water is stopped in the winter, the mystical lake has no qualms about it. It silently waits for spring to come because the lake knows that her beauty will last till eternity. I have an unfulfilled desire to get more into the depth of Rara. I confess I am a worshipper of beauty. For the rest of the world, let them walk and ramble along the puzzling trails to find a pristine place on earth.
5 Many women's rights activists often argue that even though Janaandolan I opened the doors to address gender inequities at large, the fundamental problem of uneven representation of women in politics remained.
By the end of the Janaandolan II, the then CPN-Maoist had garnered massive public support by highlighting the deep-seated inequities for marginalised groups such as Dalits and Janajatis. Accordingly, the Three-Year Interim Plan goals were focused on reconstruction, reconciliation and reintegration through a rights-based approach to eliminate structural inequalities.
Quota for women
Later, the influence of Janajati as well as Dalit movements within the key national political parties' overshadowed the women's movement. By the time the second Three Year Plan (2010-2012) was introduced, the gender equity agenda started losing its grip and was compromised with other political party-specific priorities. Thus, simple representative quotas for women arguably proved ineffective at promoting gender equality at large.
Given this political context, the Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment, supported by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the World Bank, offered a deeper understanding of fundamental exclusionary barriers within the development realm and beyond. The assessment report stated that women and children are excluded and relatively vulnerable while Dalit women face triple discrimination. This assessment had a significant impact on how gender and social inclusion strategies were developed in many ministries, including the Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation (MoFSC).
And once the country adopted a democratic form of governance, support for the community forest user group approach started gaining momentum. The Forest Act (1993) and the Forest Regulations (1995) provided the legal foundation for community forestry. Soon after, the community forestry guidelines were amended to require 50 percent female representation in the user groups' executive committees.
The guidelines also included a provision for 35 percent of the income of user groups to be allocated for pro-poor interventions. poor and excluded groups identified then were women and men in economically poorest households: Dalits, Janajati and non-Dalit caste groups, religious minorities and people from remote areas.
Token representation
But my recent efforts at understanding community forestry and gender disaggregation related statistics left me baffled. The current statistics reveal a very poor representation of women and minority groups in forestry-related institutions. For example, there are only three female District Forest Officers in the country and less than four percent of the staff employed by the Forest Ministry is female. The country's only Institute of Forestry has only about eight percent of women working as faculty members.
Though the number of women members in the user groups' executive committees has gradually increased over the years, it still has not reached its target of 50 percent. It is only 31 percent as of now. While this has been a positive achievement, serious attention is also needed to enhance women's active participation and meaningful representation to influence decisions rather than having representative participation.
Though there currently are more than 1,000 women-only user groups covering about 95,955 households, more research needs to be done on their formation, governance and outcomes. It is equally important to understand that these women-only groups are not homogenous. The existing social
differentiation across mixed groups need to be clearly understood and adequately addressed.
Political will
Nepal has undoubtedly taken notable initiatives towards promoting community forestry. More than 35 percent of the total population is engaged in community forestry and there are 18,000 registered community forestry user groups as of now. Furthermore, with the launching of the multi-stakeholder forestry programme—which aims to improve the lives of 24 million forest dependent rural people and to build the resilience capacity of vulnerable people to the effects of climate change—Nepal's community forestry has entered a new phase. With this, the hopes for addressing the challenges of exclusion have also increased.
As many organisations and individuals around the globe are celebrating the International Day of Forest today, I would also like to join the bandwagon to wish the users’ groups and stakeholders a happy forest day. However, my struggle to understand what comes first, political will or inclusive policy, continues. Something that my public policy professor used say a long time back while addressing our class still rings in my ears, “Dear students, political will and inclusive policy are like the story of chicken .
6
Upon going through frequent media reports on incidents and casualties of lighting strikes in Nepal in recent years, one question that has always come up : could this be happening elsewhere as well? In a research I conducted for a BBC report in the last few weeks, I discovered that this has indeed been happening in many developing and least-developed countries. Or, this is what meteorological officials of these countries, from across Africa and Latin America to South and South East Asia, say. Although no formal study has been carried out, their general observation is that lightning incidents are on the rise and so are casualties.
Catch-22 situation
In some countries, the total number of casualties resulting from lightning has been found to be higher than that of floods, landslides, wildfires and droughts. Yet, this natural hazard has hardly drawn the attention of policymakers and those working in the area of disaster risk reduction. Even in international climate negotiations, for instance, this issue has found almost no place. “I have tried to raise this a few times in climate negotiations but I don't hear about it in the meetings and nobody seems to be serious about it,” says Mohammed Quamrul Chaudhry, a negotiator from Bangladesh. “But we can't afford to ignore it because it is just going up in our country and in one recent incident more than 50 people died.”
Bangladeshi Meteorological officials say that they have observed an increase in lightning incidents in the entire South Asian region and that a proper study needs to be conducted on this issue. The problem is that these officials hesitate to speak out about such issues for fear of being challenged by the international scientific community.
“We too have noticed this rise,” says a meteorological scientist from the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation Meteorology Research Centre in Dhaka. “But when we tried to put it out publicly with the hope that there will be a proper research, we have been criticised for speaking about things that had yet to be proven scientifically.”
It is a classic catch-22 situation: if you do not speak about it, no one will pay attention and there will be no scientific study. And unless there is a scientific study, even authorities will hesitate to speak about it.
Climate change linkages
No wonder, Nepali officials in international climate negotiations have yet to touch upon the issue, even when they see media reports on the increasing number of people getting killed and injured by lightning in their own country. The limited climate discourse in Nepal has not been able to pick the issue up as well. But then, it is not that climate science is completely oblivious about lightning. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the supreme body on
climate science, has stated that thunderstorms and lightning will go up as global temperatures rise. Scientists say that different climate models have shown that this natural hazard will increase in the future. Although, there are some meteorologists who see no correspondence between the rising number of lightning incidents and the increasing figure of deaths and injuries from the natural hazard.
But even from a layman's perspective, it is hard to imagine how lightning can be an exception when we are being told that weather patterns will become extreme and weird. Rainfall and snowfall have been predicted to be erratic and seasons forecast to be different from what they used to be. And then, you have meteorologists from diverse developing countries telling you that they have noticed a rise in lightning incidents.
Near the tropics
More than 70 percent of lightning incidents on earth occur in the tropic and sub-tropic regions and that is where most developing and least-developed countries are. Even without climate change, these countries were already seeing the most number of lightning flashes and strikes. And now, with extreme weather becoming the new normal, many scientists think lightning and casualties will both go up in these countries.
Equally important is the population factor. There are more people in developing and least developed countries now and most of them live in houses unprotected from lightning bolts. Those who work out in the field or forests are more exposed and vulnerable. “In the last 10 years, we are finding in Malawi, Swaziland, Zimbabwe and some parts of South Africa that lightning fatalities rate is like it was in the US a hundred years ago,” says Ron Holle, a meteorologist with Vaishala, a Finnish company that manufactures weather-related equipment. “The number of people that are living in places with unsafe housing, schools and other work places and also working in lightning-unsafe outdoors for agriculture may be going up.”
Meteorologists like Holle, who work internationally, say annual lightning casualties are going down drastically in developed countries, as low as zero in some of them. But it is just the opposite in developing and least-developed countries. When it comes to population, it is certainly something that the developing world will have to deal with largely on its own. But on the weather front, it relates to the bigger picture—mitigating climatic changes and adapting to its inevitable impacts. Both of these issues will involve the big players, including present-day major carbon-emitters and those countries that became rich after pumping out huge amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere in the last two centuries.
Will developing and least-developed countries across the globe be able to raise the lightning issue with major players? Especially, when they have been fighting an uphill battle to claim compensation from the developed world for all the losses and damages caused by climatic changes? The irony is that to even raise the issue, they will first have to take help from the same developed world to conduct scientific studies on lightning.
Khadka is a BBC journalist based in London and can be reached at [email protected]
5 Miss World, Miss Universe and Miss Earth pageants are organised every year and the three most beautiful women of our planet are crowned with these titles. They travel across the world promoting causes and attending charity events after being crowned. I wonder if they ever think about promoting poetry during their trips. On the occasion of World Poetry Day, the thought of choosing a World Poet Laureate or just a World Poet, who could be the conscience of our planet, is weighing on my mind.
What is a poet laureate
The Oxford Dictionary defines a poet laureate as an eminent poet appointed as a member of the British royal household. It further adds that the poet laureate was formerly expected to write poems for state occasions but since Victorian times the post has carried no specific duties. The title became established with the appointment of John Dryden in 1668. Currently, poet Carol Ann Duffy has held the title since 2009.
Since 1668, the tradition of crowning eminent poets as poet laureates in the United Kingdom has spread across the world to several countries, including the US and Canada. In both these countries, poet laureates are appointed annually as consultants in poetry by their National Libraries. During their tenure, they are expected to raise the national consciousness to a greater appreciation of poetry.
Besides national poet laureates, world renowned universities like Oxford and Harvard have Professors of Poetry who advance the cause of poetry. Oxford University's Professor of Poetry position was established about 300 years ago in 1708. The demands of the job are to deliver three lectures on poetry each year during the five-year fixed term. In the past 306 years, 44 poets have been elected to this position. Geoffrey Hill is Professor of Poetry at Oxford at the moment.
In the same vein, the Charles Eliot Norton Professorship of Poetry at Harvard University has been in place since 1925 as an annual lectureship in "poetry in the broadest sense". The Professor of Poetry is expected to deliver customarily six lectures in an academic year. Pianist and composer Herbie Hancock was named as the 2014 Charles Eliot Norton Professor of Poetry. Past Norton Professors include TS Eliot, Igor Stravinsky, Jorge Luis Borges, Charles Eames, Leonard Bernstein, John Cage, Nadine Gordimer, Orhan Pamuk and William Kentridge.
Poetry for humanity
Unesco declared March 21 as World Poetry Day in 1999 to give fresh recognition and impetus to national, regional and international poetry movements with the premise that "poetry reaffirms our common humanity by revealing to us that individuals, everywhere in the world, share the same questions and
feelings."
As per Unesco, the purpose of celebrating World Poetry Day is to encourage the oral tradition of poetry recitals and to promote dialogue between poetry and painting, music, theatre and other art forms. Supporting small publishers who publish poetry, making poetry attractive for the media, re-moulding the image of poetry in the media and making it attractive for the younger generation are some of the other goals behind celebrating World Poetry Day.
On the 15th anniversary of World Poetry Day, Unesco could consider establishing the institution of a World Poet Laureate as a consultant in poetry to Unesco or simply a Unesco World Poet whose task would be to travel across the world promoting poetry and raising global consciousness for the greater appreciation of poetry.
Selecting a world poet
The ideal way for Unesco to select the World Poet Laureate would be to get nominations from across the world and then put the list to a popular vote. However, if it finds the process cumbersome, there are other readily available options for consideration, such as, to appoint the most recent Nobel Prize winner in literature who received the coveted prize for his/her contributions to poetry. Such a person could hold the title till the next poet wins the Nobel prize for his/her poetry. Another option is to select the Unesco World Poet for the tenure of two years each from among the surviving poets who have won Nobel Prizes in literature.
The World Poet Laureate's work would be to visit every country, deliver lectures on poetry, recite his/her poems and thus, help Unesco achieve its goal of promoting dialogues across cultures through the universal art of poetry.
Abhay K is a poet-diplomat. Views expressed are personal